Russian drone update
A Russian UAV team member carries a Orlan-10 drone in 2024. (Kharon illustration; photo: Russian Defense Ministry via Anadolu/Getty Images)
Military End Use

Oct 30, 2025

5 minutes

How Western Tech Entered Russia’s Drone-Production Pipeline, Before and After the Invasion

By Olga Kiyan and Ryan Bacic
Weaponized drones are redefining modern warfare as their strikes continue to define the war in Ukraine. Now, in recent weeks, Russian unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) have repeatedly entered NATO airspace in Europe, stirring alarm that such attacks could soon spill over.

Russia has made development of UAVs a national priority during the conflict, which has meant devoting steep resources to ramping up its domestic production capabilities. It has also meant increasingly obscuring its procurement of foreign components needed to build them.

A Kharon review of trade records shows how, even as sanctions and export restrictions tightened around it, one company in Russia’s drone-production pipeline kept acquiring sensitive American and European technology—by turning to an ever-shuffling series of suppliers from across Asia.

Zoom out

Russia’s national drone-production push appears to rely on a few key pillars:

1. The Russian National Project for Unmanned Aircraft Systems, a government program aimed at developing, stimulating and standardizing production of domestic drones and components.
  • Through the project, residents at research and production centers can apply for state support in developing drone prototypes.
2. Aviation-production associations such as the Aeronext Association, which is comprised of more than 90 Russian enterprises engaged in the development of UAV systems. It launched in May 2023, during the second year of the war.
  • Aeronext Association membership offers an opportunity, it says, to gain “a competitive advantage” in UAV production, as well as the ability to develop “legislation and removal of administrative barriers in areas of application of unmanned aircraft systems.”
3. The Alabuga Special Economic Zone (SEZ), a state-controlled production zone that the U.S. sanctioned last year. Treasury called the Alabuga SEZ a crucial hub for the assembly of Iranian attack drones, as part of Russia’s plan to build thousands of Geran-2 drones through the end of this year.

Ukraine recently has sanctioned a broad range of parties, including entities outside Russia, for facilitating drone production at the Alabuga zone. Some illustrate how Western components are being diverted into Russia’s UAV production program, Kharon’s research has found.
  • Among Ukraine’s sanctions targets in July, for example, was Sharpleyz OOO, a Russian producer of laser engraving equipment that the U.S. has not targeted itself. Trade data indicates that, from September 2022 to August 2023, Sharpleyz received shipments from China of laser machine parts that bore the brand of a major U.S. semiconductor manufacturer.
4. Developers and importers of electronic equipment also play a major role in Russia’s drone production pipeline, which remains reliant on Western tech despite the country’s domestic development push.

But Russia over the past few years has systemically built a web of front companies and opaque trade channels to conceal how foreign electronics flow into its drone programs, blurring the trail from global suppliers to the production lines that power its military.
Russian drones 2
Russian President Vladimir Putin observes an exhibition of Orlan-10 UAVs at the Special Technology Center in St. Petersburg, during a September 2024 visit. (Getty Images)

Zoom in

A Kharon investigation into Russia’s drone-procurement ecosystem zeroed in on the network of a now-widely sanctioned Russian technology company, SMT-Aylogik OOO. Many of the companies that once supplied it would later end up sanctioned as well for doing business with it.
  • SMT-Aylogik was “involved in a large-scale procurement network to obtain foreign-origin technology for the Special Technology Center’s manufacture of Orlan drones,” the U.S. said when sanctioning it in May 2023.
  • The Russian military then uses Orlan-10 drones in its war against Ukraine, the EU noted when sanctioning SMT-Aylogik itself in February 2024.
Kharon’s investigation focused further on imports of three electronic components used in drone production. All three are on the Common High Priority List, the international watchlist of sensitive items most sought by Russia to sustain its military production and economy during the war:
  • Electronic integrated circuits, which allow for signal transmission and help drones function.
  • Power amplifiers, which are used to boost performance of communication links and transmitters.
  • Printed circuit boards, on which many electronic components in drones are mounted, providing mechanical support and essential electrical connections.

Before and after: A case study

Before Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, SMT-Aylogik imported electronics components in bulk from a small group of German and Chinese suppliers, including thousands of shipments from Hong Kong-based Asia Pacific Links. (The U.S. State Department would later call it SMT-Aylogik’s “largest supplier of microelectronics.”)

Electronic integrated circuits accounted for around half of these pre-invasion shipments, which included electrical components and devices manufactured by a range of major U.S. and European brands.
SMT Aylogik CV1
After the invasion, SMT-Aylogik appears to have lost all but one of its direct German trade partners: Industrial Components Weirich.
  • The U.S. would add Industrial Components Weirich to the Entity List in September 2023, months after its last documented shipment to SMT-Aylogik. The Bureau of Industry and Security cited its role “in a conspiracy to violate U.S. export controls, including a scheme to supply the Special Technology Center … with components to make unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).”
Asia Pacific Links also stuck around after the invasion, and SMT-Aylogik picked up further suppliers from around Asia. Its new suppliers included:
  • Additional Chinese companies like New Idea Guangzhou Technology, which sent Aylogik more than 1,900 shipments between February 2022 and August 2023, including components manufactured by major American and European brands. The U.S. Treasury Department later sanctioned New Idea and Shenzhen Yilufa Technology Co., Ltd., a fellow China-based supplier, citing their “hundreds of shipments of foreign-origin microelectronics” to SMT-Aylogik and another Russian firm.
  • Türkiye’s Margiana Insaat Dis Ticaret Limited, which between August 2022 and December 2023 sent more than 750 recorded shipments to SMT-Aylogik, including sensitive U.S.- and U.K.-brand products. The end of that range is notably after the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned Margiana Insaat Dis Ticaret, in September 2023; Treasury said its shipments to SMT-Aylogik “included High Priority Items of the kind recovered in multiple Russian weapons systems used against Ukraine,” including cruise missiles and Orlan-10 drones.
  • India’s Futrevo, starting in November 2022. The State Department would sanction Futrevo in 2024, noting that it was “involved in the supply of over $1.4 million worth of CHPL items such as electronic components” to Aylogik.
SMT Aylogik CV2
After the U.S. sanctioned SMT-Aylogik, in 2023, it adapted its supply chain again.

Aylogik’s volume of trade fell, according to trade records. But, relying now on a smaller group of Asian partners, it kept procuring components manufactured by major Western brands, notably through Futrevo.
SMT Aylogik CV3

The bottom line

As Russia has expanded and adapted its domestic drone production ecosystem, it increasingly has turned to more generalized producers and electronics procurers to conceal its military supply chains.

For Western manufacturers and exporters of CHPL items, that shift may require a shift in focus—from looking just at drone producers and factories to looking at actors positioned more closely to foreign procurement. Sources like Ukrainian sanctions can offer important leads, highlighting red-flag parties before they're named elsewhere.